COP30, the dark plots of “green capitalism,” the colonization of carbon credits, the false technocratic solutions to the climate crisis, the fight for the recognition of Amazonian indigenous territories, and the broken promises of the Lula government, now totally dependent on the National Congress in the hands of the neoliberal right. This interview captures the passion of an Italian ecologist and indigenous activist who lived with Brazil’s Amazonian indigenous people and experienced their language, culture, spirituality, their profound connection with nature, their defense of their traditional medicine systems, and the fight to defend the Amazon and indigenous territories from extractivism and deforestation. In 1977, Loretta Emiri settled in the Brazilian Amazon, where, for 18 years, she worked with and for the Indians. The first four and a half years were spent with the Yanomami indigenous people of the Catrimâni, Ajarani, and Demini regions. Among them, she carried out health care work and a project called the Piano di Coscientizzazione [Awareness Plan], which included teaching adults to read and write in their native language. During this period, she produced essays and educational works, including: Gramática pedagógica da língua yãnomamè (Pedagogical Grammar of the Yãnomamè Language), Cartilha yãnomamè (Yãnomamè Alphabet), Leituras yãnomamè (Yãnomamè Readings), and Dicionário Yãnomamè-Português (Yãnomamè-Portuguese Dictionary). In 1989, A conquista da escrita – Encontros de educação indígena (The Conquest of Writing – Indigenous Education Meetings) was published, which Loretta organized together with the linguist Ruth Monserrat, and which includes the chapter on Yanomami, of which she is the author. In 1992, she published the poetry collection Mulher entre três culturas – Ítalo-brasileira ‘educada’ pelos Yanomami (Woman between three cultures – Italian-Brazilian ‘educated’ by the Yanomami). Some of her poems were included in volume 3 of the Sociedade dos poetas vivos [Society of living poets]. In 1997, she published Parole italiane per immagini amazzoniche [Italian words for Amazonian images], a collection of twenty-seven poems; Thirteen are in Portuguese, the language in which they were created, accompanied by Italian versions. In 1994, she published the ethno-photographic book Yanomami para brasileiro ver [Yanomami for Brazilians to see]. In 2022, she published Educada pelos Yanomami (Educated by the Yanomami), a book of poems and photographs taken among the Yanomami. In Italian, Loretta has published the short story collections Amazonia portatile (Portable Amazon), A passo di tartaruga – Storie di una Latinaamericana per scelta (At a Turtle’s Step – Stories of a Latin American by Choice), and Discriminati (Discriminated), which won the Special Prize for Best Work with a Social Theme at the 12th Città di Grottammare [City of Grottammare] Literary Competition in 2021. The presentations of the latter two books were included in the official program of the Turin International Book Fair in 2017 and 2019, respectively. For Amazona in tempo reale (Amazon in Real Time), she won the Special Jury Prize for Nonfiction at the 2013 Franz Kafka Prize Italy. In 2020, she published Mosaico indigeno [Indigenous Mosaic], which brings together journalistic texts on the indigenous situation. Loretta is also the author of the short novel Quando le amazzoni diventano nonne [When Amazons Become Grandmothers] (2011) and Romanzo indigenista [Indigenous Romance] (2023). Se si riesce a sopravvivere a questa guerra non si muore più [ If You Survive This War, You Will Never Die Again] was released in PDF format in January 2023. Her writings appear in blogs and online magazines, including Sagarana, La macchina sognante, Fili d’aquilone, El ghibli, I giorni e le notti, AMAZZONIA – fratelli indios, Euterpe, Pressenza, La bottega del Barbieri, Sarapegbe, Atlante Residenze Creative, Cartesensibili [Sagarana, The Dreaming Machine, Kite Lines, El Ghibli, Days and Nights, AMAZON – Indian Brothers, Euterpe, Pressenza, The Barbieri’s Shop, Sarapegbe, Atlante Residenze Creative, and Cartesensibili]. In May 2018, she was awarded the Premio alla Carriera “Novella Torregiani – Letteratura e Arti Figurative” [Novella Torregiani – Literature and Figurative Arts” Lifetime Achievement Award] for her defense of the rights of Brazilian indigenous peoples.
How did COP30 go in Belem, Brazil?
Climate conferences have always served to hammer out agreements between heads of government and representatives of global capital. With each passing year, this reality is increasingly starkly evident. These agreements mask historical inequalities and perpetuate colonial structures. What changes over the years are the words and strategies used to maintain the autocratic and geopolitical interests determined by those who wield economic power. In Belem, the same charade was repeated: despite the massive presence of indigenous people, traditional communities, workers, and social movements, the official process was completely dominated by these economic interests. The expressive presence of minorities and oppressed classes, however, served to dramatically and definitively highlight the very distance between the established power, subservient to capitalism, and the people.
Many predicted that COP30 would be yet another missed opportunity, given the completely Eurocentric perspective it seems to have adopted in recent years, focusing primarily on the issue of net-zero, the rhetoric of “carbon neutrality,” and the false technocratic solutions to the climate crisis—what Bolivian President Luis Arce called the “colonization of carbon credits” and “green capitalism.” Have you also noticed this trend?
In answering the first question, I partially answered this one. But the question posed deserves further exploration, starting with the definition of “green capitalism.” Behind this modern and captivating term lies all the rottenness of unbridled capitalism, hypocrisy, and colonialism, still alive and well. I repeat: what changes are the words and the strategies. I’ll give you a concrete example, speaking of the Yanomami, with whom I had the privilege of living for over four years in their homeland/forest, and of whom I am a historic ally. The French jewelry company Cartier has created a foundation through which it finances publications and exhibitions related to the Yanomami. The Yanomami’s territory is systematically violated by gold miners; during the invasion organized in 1987 by local oligarchies, the ethnic group risked extinction; in 1992, their territory was officially recognized, but this did not stop the invasions; during the Bolsonaro government the Yanomami were once again at risk of disappearing; In March 2024, the Lula government ordered the removal of gold miners from Yanomami Indigenous Land, destroying their sophisticated weapons and the powerful machinery they currently possess. This was undoubtedly a laudable initiative, but historically, miners are driven out only to return and invade other areas. Politicians speak of successes and conquests, while the Yanomami continue to denounce systematic new invasions (which could be avoided by adopting more effective measures, which have already been identified and repeatedly recommended). How should we define Cartier, a powerful French jewelry company that finances initiatives for the Yanomami, threatened with extinction precisely because of gold mining in their territory? It’s also hypocritical to try to convince the public that legal gold mining is different from illegal gold mining, given that habitats are equally destroyed, local populations are equally exploited and become ill due to environmental disruption, while global capitalists become more obscenely obese than they already are. Not to mention another phenomenon that is plain for all to see, yet no one addresses: professionals (anthropologists, photographers, writers, and even philosophers or pseudo-philosophers) who have achieved international fame and renown are funded in their activities by foundations similar to Cartier’s; foundations created by global giants that, through “green capitalism,” perpetuate colonialism.
Since January 2023, when Lula returned to power, I have been engaged in a losing battle: I am promoting the creation of a Yanomami Training Center, which could easily be established in the only area of their territory accessible by road. One of the aims of the proposal is to encourage unity and collaboration among local groups, historically hostile to each other, because only unity and organization will allow the Yanomami to survive physically and culturally. Another aim is to professionally prepare young people to assume functions and roles currently held or controlled by whites, enabling them to make decisions independently and dispense with the “intermediaries,” that is, the few people who make decisions for them. Unity and training are tools of struggle that would strengthen the organization and autonomy of Yanomami society. I have been thinking and writing the same things for over forty years, but those who could implement the proposal of training aimed at all people, and not just a few privileged individuals or local groups, continue, undaunted, to turn a deaf ear.
How is Lula’s government addressing environmental issues? Is it advancing the issues of deforestation, the end of extractivism, and the return of indigenous lands, as promised?
Naturally, at COP30, Lula approved a few indigenous lands, just to be a little more contentious; but there are over sixty of them whose administrative process has been completed and which only need his signature. Lula was able to return to power by making agreements that were “ambiguous,” to say the least, so he has very little control over them. The National Congress is the one that decides, and its membership includes shady figures linked to the previous government and therefore to the far right. And Congress offers no respite: I’m referring to the so-called Devastation Bill; to the Senate, which in five minutes approved a law benefiting coal-fired thermoelectric plants; to the growing agribusiness offensive against indigenous peoples, an offensive fueled by the indecent argument of the Marco Temporal [Temporal Mark or Time Limit Trick. Translator’s note: In Brazil, a framework limiting Indigenous land rights] , an argument that contradicts the STF (Supreme Federal Court) ruling that the date of promulgation of the Federal Constitution cannot be used to define the traditional occupation of indigenous lands. Having already been approved by the Chamber of Deputies, the aforementioned bill was sent to Lula, who vetoed the argument and other provisions. The presidential vetoes were later overruled by Congress, and the bill became Law No. 14,701/2023. [Translator’s Note: this means that the Marco Temporal was accepted as law.]
Philip Fearnside, a researcher at INPA (National Institute for Amazonian Research), believes that COP30 was characterized by a widespread lack of political courage to address the central issues of the climate crisis. In an interview with Amazônia Real magazine, he states that the conference ignored fossil fuels and made no progress in combating deforestation; decisions that, in his view, put the survival of indigenous peoples and traditional communities in the Amazon at immediate risk. Fearnside also argues that Brazil is failing in its energy transition, maintaining contradictions such as the paving of the BR-319 highway and new oil extraction projects, while the emergency measures in place are unable to address the rapid rate of global warming.
On the eve of COP30, IBAMA (the Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources, a federal autarky) authorized Petrobras to conduct research to open oil exploration within 500 kilometers of the mouth of the Amazon River, in the so-called Equatorial Margin, offshore, bordering the states of Amapá and Pará. Meanwhile, as soon as COP30 concluded, Congress rejected the suggested vetoes and authorized new interventions at critical points on the BR-319 highway; this news was announced on November 27, 2025.
During COP30, things happened that, to an outsider, might seem absurd. Indigenous protests at COP30 were harshly repressed. What exactly happened?
The fact that COP30 was held in Brazil allowed a large number of indigenous people and representatives of traditional populations to gather in Belem, the symbolic capital of the Brazilian Amazon. Their massive presence, their distinctively colorful cultural diversity, the demonstrations they organized, and their heartfelt statements, the fruit of over five hundred years of abuse and suffering, have highlighted the contradictions of the current government. Lula is struggling to balance what he could do but lacks the courage to do, and what he does, forced into action by the far-right that controls the National Congress. The police cracked down on the protesters, just as happens in any other country that claims to be democratic: populations are repressed when they dare question the decisions of the state. Txulunh Natieli, a young leader of the Laklãnõ-Xokleng people, brilliantly summed up the outcome of COP30, saying that the conference exposed Brazil’s very contradictions, its politics focused largely on externals and little on internals. Luene, of the Karipuna people, stated that Brazil can lead the climate transition only if it declares the Amazon a “fossil fuel-free zone.” The conference’s final document calls for global cooperation, but avoids mentioning words like “oil,” “coal,” and “gas.” The phrase “phase-out” was also excluded from the document. The agreements signed during COP30 reveal the squalid farce of sustainability, the fossil fuel, gold, and agribusiness lobbies. Although some significant steps forward were made, the conference ended with a profound frustration among indigenous leaders, specialists, and observers—in other words, anyone who refuses to be servants of a pyramid-based social system.
What happened between Raoni and Lula, and why did it cause such a stir?
Raoni is beloved by indigenous people and their allies, but he’s also well-known abroad since singer Sting helped him elevate indigenous issues beyond Brazil and onto the global stage. He’s a lovable old man, considered and loved by many as a “grandfather.” Throughout his life, he has been courageous and consistent; the most recurring theme in his speeches concerns the recognition and officialization of indigenous lands. How can a people survive without a territory where they can live well and continue their existence?
When Lula was re-elected, on the day of the official ceremony marking the start of his new term as president, he wanted Raoni by his side. He walked up the ramp to the Planalto Palace, the seat of the Federal Executive, arm in arm with the former indigenous leader. During COP30, Raoni bluntly expressed his profound disappointment that the usual promises are never followed by the political choices that should be made. Naturally, his stance had major repercussions both in Brazil and abroad. Indigenous people, as always, are merely used, exploited. The photos taken of Lula alongside Raoni are a visual expression of broken promises juxtaposed with the stark reality of the facts.
What is the situation of Amazonian indigenous peoples now, and what needs to change?
In Brazil, indigenous people should refuse to be co-opted by the federal government, since they are unable to do much: many of them have already “burned” themselves, that is, they have disappointed the organized indigenous movement by defending or remaining silent on many of the government’s ambiguous decisions. In Italy, what should be done is to stop calling people and governments “left-wing.” The left still exists only through popular movements and organizations. While Lula was a solid union leader and founder of the Workers’ Party, that doesn’t mean that to be elected and re-elected president of a continental country like Brazil, he didn’t have to change his principles and positions, and ally himself with the most disparate and ambiguous political forces. Furthermore, how can we explain the fact that within his own party, there seems to be apparently no one in a position to replace him? Rumor has it he’ll run for office for the umpteenth time; and this, at least for me, isn’t democracy, but the perpetuation of a position of power. What should be done is to analyze the Brazilian political situation with more balance, more attention, and less rhetoric. Above all, “green capitalism,” which is also widely practiced by multinationals of Italian origin, should be courageously and unequivocally denounced. What should be done is to denounce and put an end to colonialism, which continues alive and well through the invention of new terms and strategies, which are so effective as to deceive individuals and entire populations. What indigenous people have been doing, for over five hundred years, is resisting in order to exist.
Bibliography
Amazônia Real
[Real Amazon]
https://amazoniareal.com.br/repercussao-da-cop30-oscila…/
Apib Oficial
Mídia Ninja
[Media Ninja]
https://www.facebook.com/MidiaNINJA
Loretta Emiri, “Amazzonia – Il piromane ha nome e cognome”
[Amazon, the arsonist has a name and a surname]
https://www.pressenza.com/it/2019/09/amazzonia-il-piromane-ha-nome-e-cognome/
Centro de Formação Yanomami no Ajarani – Dossier
[Yanomami Training Center in Ajarani – Dossier]
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O_A3dR4u28VLB_iyrj3Xpxk–xRyYkC0/view?usp=share_link
During her privileged, as she herself claims, coexistence with the Yanomami, she collected objects of their material culture. Of particular note is the section dedicated to plumeria art, necklaces, and earrings. For many years, she nurtured the dream of displaying these materials in a public space. This dream came true in early 2001, when the Civic-Archaeological-Ethnological Museum of Modena welcomed the 176 pieces of the Emiri Collection of Yanomami Material Culture. In May 2019, part of the collection was exhibited to the public and officially inaugurated. Throughout 2023 and 2024, she systematically dedicated herself to promoting the creation of the Yanomami Training Center, to be located in the Ajarani indigenous area, producing and disseminating various texts collected in the dossier “Moyãmi Thèpè Yãno – A Casa dos Esclarecidos – Centro de Formação Yanomami – Dossiê” [“Moyãmi Thèpè Yãno – The House of the Enlightened – Yanomami Training Center – Dossier”, Loretta Emiri, CPI/RR, 01-24.
